就在九个多月前，贾迈勒·哈肖吉走进了沙特驻伊斯坦布尔领事馆，却再也没有出来。他的遗体尚未找到。真正的凶手可能在受审，也可能不在受审——沙特阿拉伯对11人的刑事诉讼被被指控策划卡肖吉之死的同一个沙特国家秘密掩盖。与这起谋杀案有牵连的最高级官员仍然逍遥法外。

联合国法外处决问题特别报告员艾格尼丝·卡拉马，发布了一份报告6月19日的结论是沙特王储穆罕默德·本·萨尔曼“在镇压持不同政见者的运动中发挥了重要作用”她说，专家们发现，在王储没有意识到“针对哈肖基正发起的犯罪性质的任务”的情况下，进行如此大规模的屠杀和肢解是“不可想象的”

她呼吁进一步调查王储和其他沙特高级官员。她还敦促美国国会举行听证会，“以确定沙特高级官员的责任，并要求获得潜在的机密材料。”

一些国会议员领先。

哈苏吉死后不久，美国提出了几项决议和法案，质疑美国对沙特阿拉伯的支持，并建议政府采取一系列行动，包括制裁参与哈苏吉谋杀案的高级官员和暂停武器转让。本月早些时候，众议院通过了一系列国防授权法案修正案，将限制向沙特阿拉伯出售武器，并要求该国提交人权状况报告。

一周前，同样的条款以沙特阿拉伯人权和责任法案以405比7的惊人多数。

在参议院沙特阿拉伯责任和也门法案——除其他外，该法案最早于1960年出台，将对参与哈舒吉谋杀案的沙特官员实施制裁2018二月份再次出现。参议员詹姆斯·里奇提出了一项竞争法案沙特阿拉伯外交审查法，7月。

参议院外交关系委员会定于周四对竞争法案进行评分。

国会通过并协调这些法案版本的时机已经成熟，可以产生一份强有力的两党声明，重塑美沙关系。但是国会的任何行动也需要牙齿，并寻求追究那些应对严重侵犯人权负责的沙特官员的责任。

而特朗普政府做到了对17名沙特人实施制裁据称是谁在杀害哈肖吉事件中发挥了作用，它没有透露支持这些制裁的信息，也没有透露为什么更多的沙特高级官员没有被包括在内。国会应该推进听证会，要求政府提供更多信息，并通过立法，追究那些策划杀害卡修吉的人的责任。

然而，最重要的是，国会和特朗普政府应该承认，卡肖吉不是在真空中被杀的。

王储政府既要对国内残酷镇压人权负责，也要对国外违反战争法负责。在国内方面，沙特当局开展了广泛的逮捕行动反对女权运动，拘留了近20人。它在三月份审判了11名妇女。至少有四个人说他们是在拘留期间遭受酷刑。一些仍在受审。

4月，沙特阿拉伯宣布37人被大规模处决在全国各地。经过不公平的审判，至少有33人来自该国的什叶派少数民族。

沙特阿拉伯的歧视男性监护制度尽管政府承诺废除它，但它仍然完好无损。成年妇女出国旅行、获得护照、结婚或出狱必须获得男性监护人——通常是丈夫、父亲、兄弟或儿子——的许可。妇女可能需要提供监护人同意才能工作或接受医疗保健。

​6月28日，在大阪举行的20国集团峰会上，唐纳德·特朗普总统和沙特阿拉伯王储穆罕默德·本·萨尔曼在成员合影时握手。BRENDAN SMIALOWSKI/法新社/GETTY

这些只是沙特当局对其本国人民严重侵犯人权的一部分。穆罕默德王储的外交政策也好不到哪里去。人权观察已经此前呼吁对个人进行制裁反对沙特领导的联军肆意轰炸和非法封锁也门平民的必需品。尽管有违反的证据，包括明显的战争罪，如一辆公共汽车被袭击致死也门儿童，美国继续向沙特出售武器，这些武器可用于联盟甚至拒绝的侵犯行为认真调查，更别说结束了。

对贾马尔·卡修吉来说已经太晚了。但是，对于数百名因捏造的指控而被监禁的人、遭受酷刑的被拘留者、不断遭受袭击的也门平民以及每一个权利比男性少的沙特妇女和女孩来说，仍然有希望。如果特朗普政府无法对抗王储穆罕默德，国会需要。通过法律来追究凶手的责任，而不是奖励他们数十亿美元的武器销售，是一个良好的开端。

安德里亚·普拉索是华盛顿人权观察的代理主任。

这篇文章中表达的观点是作者自己的。这篇文章已经更新，以反映参议院外交关系委员会计划在周四对这些法案进行评估。

IF TRUMP WON'T STAND UP TO THE SAUDI CROWN PRINCE, CONGRESS MUST | OPINION

Just over nine months ago, Jamal Khashoggi walked into the Saudi consulate in Istanbul and never came out. His remains have not been found. The actual killers may or may not be on trial—criminal proceedings against 11 people in Saudi Arabia are shrouded in secrecy by the same Saudi state accused of orchestrating Khashoggi's death. And the most senior officials implicated in the killing remain free.

Agnes Callamard, the U.N. special rapporteur for extrajudicial executions, released a report on June 19 that concluded that Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman has played "an essential role in a campaign of repressing dissidents." She said experts found it "inconceivable" that an operation of the scale of Khashoggi's killing and dismemberment could be conducted without the crown prince being aware that a "mission of a criminal nature, directed at Mr. Khashoggi, was being launched."

She called for further investigation into the crown prince and other top Saudi officials. She also urged the U.S. Congress to hold hearings "to determine the responsibility of high-level Saudi officials, and demand access to the underlying classified material."

Some members of Congress are ahead of the game.

Shortly after Khashoggi's death, several resolutions and bills were introduced that question U.S. support for Saudi Arabia and propose a range of actions for the administration to take including sanctions on senior officials involved in Khashoggi's murder and a suspension of weapons transfers. Earlier this month, the House passed a number of amendments to the National Defense Authorization Act that would limit weapons sales to Saudi Arabia and require a report on its human rights situation.

One week ago, those same provisions passed the House in the form of the Saudi Arabia Human Rights and Accountability Act by an astounding majority of 405-7.

In the Senate, the Saudi Arabia Accountability and Yemen Act—which would impose sanctions on Saudi officials involved in Khashoggi's murder, among other things, was first introduced in 2018and again in February. Senator James Risch introduced a competing bill, the Saudi Arabia Diplomatic Review Act, in July.

The Senate Committee on Foreign Relations is scheduled to mark up the competing bills on Thursday.

The time is ripe for Congress to pass and reconcile versions of these bills to produce a strong, bipartisan statement that resets U.S.-Saudi relations. But any congressional action also needs teeth, and to seek to hold to account those Saudi officials responsible for gross human rights violations.

While the Trump administration did impose sanctions on 17 Saudis who allegedly played a role in Khashoggi's killing, it has not disclosed the information that supported those sanctions, or why more senior Saudi officials were not included. Congress should press forward with hearings to demand more information from the administration, and pass legislation that holds those who orchestrated Khashoggi's killing to account.

Most important, however, Congress and the Trump administration should acknowledge that Khashoggi was not killed in a vacuum.

The crown prince's government is responsible for both brutal suppression of human rights at home, and violations of the laws of war abroad. On the domestic front, Saudi authorities carried out a widespread arrest campaign against the women's rights movement, detaining nearly 20 people. It put 11 women on trial in March. At least four of them said that they were tortured in detention. Several remain on trial.

In April, Saudi Arabia announced the mass execution of 37 men in various parts of the country. At least 33 were from the country's minority Shiite community, following unfair trials.

Saudi Arabia's discriminatory male guardianship system remains intact despite government pledges to abolish it. Adult women must obtain permission from a male guardian—usually a husband, father, brother or son—to travel abroad, obtain a passport, marry, or be discharged from prison. Women may be required to provide guardian consent to work or to receive health care.

 

President Donald Trump and Saudi Arabia's Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman shake hands during a group photo of members during the G20 Summit at the INTEX Osaka in Osaka on June 28.BRENDAN SMIALOWSKI/AFP/GETTY

These are just some of the egregious human rights violations by Saudi authorities against their own people. Crown Prince Mohammed's foreign policy has been no better. Human Rights Watch has previously called for individual sanctions against the crown prince over the Saudi-led coalition's indiscriminate bombing and unlawful blockading of essential goods to Yemen's civilian population. Despite evidence of violations, including apparent war crimes such as an attack killing a busload of Yemeni children, the U.S. continues to sell weapons to the Saudis that can be used in violations that the coalition refuses even to seriously investigate, let alone end.

It's too late for Jamal Khashoggi. But for the hundreds of people imprisoned on trumped-up charges, the detainees tortured, the Yemeni civilians under repeated attack, and every Saudi woman and girl who has fewer rights than men, there is still hope. If the Trump administration won't stand up to Crown Prince Mohammed, Congress needs to. Passing laws that seek to hold killers to account, and not rewarding them with billions of dollars in weapons sales, is a good start.

Andrea J. Prasow is the acting Washington director at Human Rights Watch.

The views expressed in this article are the writer's own. This article has been updated to reflect the fact that the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations is now scheduled to mark up the bills on Thursday.