文件——在这张2020年2月20日的文件照片中，以色列总理本雅明·内塔尼亚胡(Benjamin Netanyahu)参观了东耶路撒冷霍马山定居点的一个新社区。2020年6月17日星期三，一名阿联酋高级官员警告说，以色列计划吞并西岸部分地区，这可能导致阿拉伯国家呼吁以色列和巴勒斯坦建立一个单一的两国国家。(黛比·希尔/美联社泳池照片，档案)美联社
华盛顿——总统唐纳德·特朗普美国国家安全事务高级助理一直未能就是否支持以色列吞并巴勒斯坦人要求建立未来国家的大部分土地的计划做出决定，这一僵局可能会影响以色列总理内塔尼亚胡采取任何行动的时机。
白宫周四表示，将继续与以色列官员进行磋商，试图制定一项支持特朗普的巴以和平协议计划的提案。
特朗普政府吞并的决定可能会改变美国在中东的地位，并影响特朗普在选举年对福音派基督徒的支持，这是他政治基础的重要组成部分。事实上，整个国际社会都反对吞并，但特朗普的许多国内支持者热情支持。
在宣布推迟的前一天，关于支持内塔尼亚胡将以色列文官政府扩大到约旦河西岸大部分地区的谈判没有结果。
一名政府高级官员说，美国驻以色列大使大卫·弗里德曼和政府中东和平特使阿维·伯克维兹将于周四前往以色列进行进一步讨论。
这位官员表示，白宫会议是“富有成效的”，但他补充说，“目前还没有关于实施特朗普计划的下一步措施的最终决定。”该官员无权公开讨论此事，并要求匿名。
特朗普可以完全站在内塔尼亚胡一边，他将7月1日作为做出决定的希望日期，也可以支持不太全面的接管，或者直接反对，这是最不可能的情况。这一日期不是一成不变的，特朗普政府立场的不确定性可能会降低这一日期的可能性。
但鉴于特朗普连任前景的不确定性和民主党推定提名人乔·拜登反对吞并，预计内塔尼亚胡将在秋季之前采取行动。
周四，189名众议院民主党议员联名致信以色列政府，表达了对吞并计划的担忧，这凸显了在吞并问题上的党派分歧。
“我们担心的是，任何一方采取的单边行动，都将推动双方进一步远离谈判，以及最终通过谈判达成协议的可能性，”议员们表示。
特朗普政府面临的关键问题是其在特朗普培养的阿拉伯伙伴和欧洲国家之间的信誉，从气候变化到贸易，再到伊朗核协议，特朗普在许多方面都与这些国家对抗。
对特朗普和他的团队来说，潜在的更有政治说服力的是，他的决定将影响他在福音派基督徒中的地位，他需要这些基督徒的支持才能赢得连任。尽管他的竞选团队相信福音派基督徒会以压倒性优势投票给特朗普，但竞选团队担心的是一个重要选民群体的热情和潜在参与度会下降。
支持内塔尼亚胡计划的人包括特朗普的顾问，如国务卿迈克·庞贝(Mike Pompeo)，美国大使弗里德曼(Friedman)，以及国会中的一些共和党人。据知情官员称，他们表示，吞并除了取悦特朗普的基础之外，还会让和平协议变得更容易，因为这一步会削弱他们认为不现实的巴勒斯坦对未来国家的期望。他们无权公开讨论此事，并要求匿名。
但是政府和国会中的其他人希望看到白宫不承认或者限制承认潜在的吞并。他们包括五角大楼官员和贾里德·库什纳，特朗普的女婿和中东和平计划的设计师，该计划遭到了巴勒斯坦人的断然拒绝。
站在辩论这一边的人担心，在应对冠状病毒大流行和伊朗构成的威胁这一特别敏感的时刻，强烈的公众支持会疏远美国在中东和其他地区的盟友。
约旦和阿联酋是仅有的两个与以色列达成和平协议的阿拉伯国家之一，阿联酋是美国在中东的重要合作伙伴。两个国家都公开反对吞并，并警告说，如果内塔尼亚胡继续推进，将给该地区带来严重后果。欧盟表示强烈反对，联合国秘书长安东尼奥·古特雷斯表示希望以色列不要继续。
在大流行、经济衰退和反对种族不公正的抗议期间，特朗普的连任竞选活动在包括福音派在内的许多重要投票团体中的激烈程度有所减弱。
特朗普在最近几周试图找到恢复这种激烈程度的方法，很大程度上是因为他的竞选活动更多地依赖于最大限度地提高自己选民的投票率，而不是赢得越来越少的犹豫不决的选民。
White House punts on Israel annexation; more talks planned
WASHINGTON -- PresidentDonald Trump’s top national security aides have been unable to reach a decision on whether to support an Israeli plan to annex significant parts of land the Palestinians claim for a future state, an impasse that could affect the timing of any action by Prime Minister Benjaimin Netanyahu.
The White House said Thursday that consultations with Israeli officials will continue as they try to formulate a proposal that would support Trump’s plan for an Israeli-Palestinian peace deal.
The Trump administration's decision on annexation could alter America’s position in the Middle East and affect Trump’s election-year support with evangelical Christians, an important part of his political base. Virtually the entire international community opposes annexation, but many of Trump’s domestic supporters enthusiastically back it.
The announcement of a delay came a day after inconclusive talks about backing Netanyahu’s intention to extend Israel’s civilian administration to large portions of the West Bank.
A senior administration official said U.S. Ambassador to Israel David Friedman and the administration’s special envoy for Mideast peace Avi Berkowitz would travel to Israel Thursday for further discussions.
The official said the White House meetings had been “productive” but added that "there is yet no final decision on next steps for implementing the Trump plan.” The official was not authorized to discuss the matter publicly and spoke on condition of anonymity.
Trump could side entirely with Netanyahu, who has cited July 1 as a hoped-for date for a decision, or endorse a less comprehensive takeover or oppose it outright, which is the most unlikely scenario. That date wasn't set in stone and the uncertainty of the Trump administration's position could make that date less likely.
But Netanyahu is expected to act before the fall, given uncertainty over Trump’s prospects for a second term and presumptive Democratic nominee Joe Biden’s opposition to annexation.
The partisan divide over annexation was highlighted Thursday with the release of a letter to the Israeli government signed by 189 House Democrats expressing concern about the annexation plan.
“Our fear is that unilateral actions, taken by either side, will push the parties further from negotiations and the possibility of a final, negotiated agreement,” the lawmakers said.
At stake for the Trump administration is its credibility with Arab partners cultivated by Trump and with European nations that he has antagonized on numerous fronts, from climate change to trade to the Iran nuclear deal.
Potentially more persuasive politically for Trump and his team is that his decision will affect his standing with evangelical Christians whose support he needs to win reelection. Although his campaign believes evangelical Christians will overwhelmingly vote for Trump, the campaign is concerned about a drop-off in enthusiasm and potential participation among an essential group of voters.
Among those favoring Netanyahu’s plan are Trump advisers such as Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, as well as Friedman, the U.S. ambassador, and a number of Republicans in Congress. They say annexation, in addition to pleasing Trump’s base, would make a peace deal easier because that step would blunt what they believe are unrealistic Palestinian expectations for a future state, according to officials familiar with the matter. They were not authorized to discuss the matter publicly and spoke on condition of anonymity.
But others in the administration and in Congress want to see no, or limited, White House recognition of potential annexation. They include Pentagon officials and Jared Kushner, Trump’s son-in-law and the architect of the Mideast peace plan, which has been roundly rejected by the Palestinians.
People on this side of the debate worry that a robust public endorsement would alienate U.S. allies in the Middle East and beyond at a particularly sensitive time in dealing with the coronavirus pandemic and threats posed by Iran.
Jordan, one of only two Arab nations with a peace deal with Israel, and the United Arab Emirates, a key U.S. partner in the Mideast, have come out against annexation and warned of severe consequences for the region if Netanyahu goes ahead. The European Union has voiced strong opposition and U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres has said he hopes Israel will not proceed.
Trump's reelection campaign has seen a weakening of intensity across many important voting groups, including evangelicals, during the pandemic, the economic recession and protests against racial injustice.
Trump has tried in recent weeks to find ways to restore that intensity, in large part because his campaign hinges more on maximizing the turnout of his base than winning over a dwindling pool of undecided voters.
