TAKE with里克·克莱因
真相是没什么问题前总统唐纳德·特朗普第二次弹劾审判的后果。
在…里包装他们的箱子，众议院的管理人员为特朗普的定罪辩护，部分原因是谈论这意味着什么无所事事。
“我担心他会再次竞选失败，因为他可以再次做到这一点，”加州民主党众议员特德·柳说，在他的报告中警告说周四。
“弹劾不是为了惩罚，而是为了预防，”科罗拉多州众议员戴安娜·德杰特说。
现在来了特朗普的辩护在这场审判中，一天的争论甚至可能星期五或星期六结束。这位前总统的律师承认关键事实，而不是提出替代事实。
他们没有试图质疑选举结果，并表示他们不会为1月6日接管国会大厦的暴乱分子的行为辩护。他们的底线是——他们要求共和党人坚持到底——特朗普的行为是否应该通过这种特殊手段受到惩罚。
他们的部分论点带有警告，如果数千万选民感到被剥夺了权利，将会发生什么。特朗普的律师布鲁斯·卡斯特(Bruce Castor)本周早些时候使用了两个不同的比喻:“闸门将会打开。我正要说，“释放旋风。”"
鉴于特朗普对共和党选民的持久吸引力，投票宣判无罪似乎仍然是共和党人更容易走的路。但正如1月6日明确表示的，有不只是简单政治后果需要考虑。
的纲要亚里沙·威尔斯马
上周，当白宫新闻秘书珍·普萨基被要求就民主党人如何会平衡弹劾审判正在进行中冠状病毒她说，拜登政府“相信他们有能力同时走路和嚼口香糖”
作为豪斯弹劾经理展示了的最后几章他们的论点周四，白宫和他们在国会山的民主党同事一起制定了他们关于这种流行病的行动计划。
在…期间他第一次去美国国家卫生研究院院长乔·拜登宣布签署额外合同辉瑞和莫德纳的合作，使美国“有望在7月底前为3亿美国人提供足够的药品”尽管总统不愿对其前任的第二次弹劾审判发表评论，但他借此机会对特朗普处理疫情的方式提出了起诉。
拜登说:“虽然科学家们在创纪录的时间内发现了疫苗，但我的前任——坦率地说——没有为亿万美国人接种疫苗的巨大挑战做好准备。”
在国会山，参议院多数党领袖查克·舒默(Chuck Schumer)与佐治亚州众议员拉斐尔·沃诺克(Raphael Warnock)和乔恩·奥索夫(Jon Ossoff)一道，公开强调了新当选的议员们正在开展的工作。应对流行病正如向最终获得民主党参议院控制权的选民承诺的那样。此举提醒了沃诺克在准备2022年再次面对选民时必须权衡的政治权宜之计。
在国会大厦的另一边，众议院议长南希·佩洛西也暗示了民主党关注的更广泛的政治途径流行病政策谈判。在每周的新闻发布会上，这位发言人证实，众议院将在本月底就冠状病毒救助计划进行投票，并补充说，该计划将包括争取15美元的最低工资。这一举措可能会安抚她所在会议中的进步人士，他们一直在大声疾呼将该项目保留在一揽子计划中。
小费肯德尔·胡炬雄
在接下来的几个月里惊人的投票率和前所未有的通过邮件投票的转变，全国一些州的立法者一直很忙逆行。
展望未来的选举，超过165项旨在收紧选举规则和增加投票难度的法案已经提交到33个州的州立法机构，是一年前这个时候的四倍多布伦南正义中心。拟议中的法案反映了投票权和准入权之争的升级，这是界定2020年选举的政治热点。
博伊西的爱达荷州国会大厦是爱达荷州政府的所在地。
爱达荷州的一些共和党人声称首次介绍1972年的无借口缺席投票，现在正打算缩减规模。一项限制谁可以在该州进行缺席投票以及一次可以投多少张选票的法案本周提交到了州众议院，但该法案面临的命运现在处于悬而未决的状态反对从两边。
爱达荷州的举措遵循一个熟悉的战场上的格局共和党人期待着收复失地2022年。拜登去年11月推翻的亚利桑那州，发现自己处于限制投票的最前沿，共和党人试图通过一项法案，将选民从永久提前投票名单中删除。佐治亚州的共和党，脱颖而出巨大的损失在该州帮助拜登保住白宫并为民主党赢得参议院之后，正在考虑恢复基于借口的缺席投票制度，并实施更严格的选民身份法。
“一张非法票太多了，”写去年领导格鲁吉亚选举的共和党人、国务卿布拉德·拉芬伯格(Brad Raffensperger)推动了更多的选民身份法。“我们没有停止也不会停止争取格鲁吉亚投票的努力。选民想要它，我们选举制度的完整性要求它。”
米特·罗姆尼感谢国会议员尤金·古德曼带领他远离暴徒
The TAKE with Rick Klein
Truths are less in question than consequences in former President Donald Trump's second impeachment trial.
In wrapping their case, House managers argued for Trump's conviction in part by talking about what it would mean to do nothing.
"I'm afraid he's going to run again and lose, because he can do this again," Rep. Ted Lieu, D-Calif., warned in his presentation Thursday.
"Impeachment is not to punish, but to prevent," said Rep. Diana DeGette, D-Colo.
Now comes Trump's defense, in what could be a single day of arguments in a trial that could even wrap on Friday or Saturday. The former president's lawyers are conceding critical facts rather than suggesting alternative ones.
They have not sought to call election results into question and say they will not defend the actions of the riotous mob that took over the Capitol Jan. 6. Where they draw the line -- and where they are asking Republicans to hold it -- is on whether Trump's actions should be punished through this particular means.
Part of their argument carries a warning on what will happen if tens of millions of voters feel disenfranchised. Trump attorney Bruce Castor employed two different metaphors earlier this week: "The floodgates will open. I was going to say, 'release the whirlwind.'"
Voting to acquit might still seem like the easier path for Republicans, given Trump's enduring appeal to GOP voters. But as Jan. 6 made clear, there are more than simple political consequences to consider.
The RUNDOWN with Alisa Wiersema
When White House press secretary Jen Psaki was asked last week to weigh in on how Democrats would balance the impeachment trial with addressing ongoing coronavirus relief negotiations, she said the Biden administration is "confident they have the ability to walk and chew gum at the same time."
As House impeachment managers laid out the final chapters of their arguments on Thursday, the White House, along with their Democratic colleagues on Capitol Hill mapped out their plan of action regarding the pandemic.
During his first visit to the National Institutes of Health, President Joe Biden announced the U.S. signed additional contracts with Pfizer and Moderna, putting the nation "on track to have enough supply for 300 million Americans by the end of July." While the president has been reluctant to comment on his predecessor's second impeachment trial, he took the opportunity to offer an indictment of Trump's handling of the pandemic.
"While scientists did their job in discovering vaccines in record time, my predecessor -- to be very blunt about it -- did not do his job in getting ready for the massive challenge of vaccinating hundreds of millions of Americans," Biden said.
On Capitol Hill, Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer joined Georgia Sens. Raphael Warnock and Jon Ossoff to publicly highlight the work the newly elected lawmakers are pursuing to address the pandemic, as promised to voters who ultimately landed Democrats control of the Senate. The move served as a reminder of the political expediency Warnock will have to weigh as he prepares to face voters again in 2022.
Across the Capitol, House Speaker Nancy Pelosi also signaled a broader political approach to Democrats' focus on pandemic policy negotiations. During her weekly presser, the speaker confirmed that the House will vote on a coronavirus relief package by the end of the month and added that the package will include a push for a $15 minimum wage. That move will likely appease progressives in her conference who have been vocal about keeping the item in the package.
The TIP with Kendall Karson
In the months after blockbuster turnout and an unprecedented shift to vote-by-mail, some state lawmakers across the country have been busy moving in retrograde.
Looking to future elections, over 165 bills aimed at tightening election rules and making it harder to vote have been filed in state legislatures in 33 states -- more than four times the number at this point a year ago, according to the Brennan Center for Justice. The proposed bills reflect an escalating battle over voting rights and access, a political flashpoint that defined the 2020 election.
The Idaho State Capitol building in Boise is home of the government of the state of Idaho.
In a sign of the intensifying fight, some Republicans in Idaho, a state that first introduced no-excuse absentee voting in 1972, are now aiming to scale it back. A bill that would limit who can deliver an absentee ballot in the state and how many ballots at a time -- to prevent ballot harvesting -- advanced to the state House floor this week, but its fate is now in limbo after facing opposition from both sides.
The moves in Idaho follow a familiar pattern across the battlegrounds as Republicans look to regain lost ground in 2022. Arizona, a state that Biden flipped in November, finds itself at the forefront of the effort to curb voting access with Republicans trying to pass a bill that would remove voters from the permanent early voting list. The GOP in Georgia, coming off steep losses after the state helped Biden secure the White House and deliver the Senate for Democrats, is considering reverting back to an excuse-based system for absentee voting and imposing more stringent voter ID laws.
"One illegal vote is too many," wrote Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger, the Republican who steered Georgia's election last year, as he pushed for additional voter ID laws. "We have not stopped and will not stop working to secure the vote in Georgia. The voters want it, and the integrity of our election system demands it."
